Non-Exhibition for Unrecognized Transdniestria |
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Written by Yure Thursday, 24 May 2007 |
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Yesterday was the beginning of Transdniestria Days in the Russian capital. The entire leadership of the unrecognized republic came for the event. But Moscow's fervent supporters were ostentatiously ignored once here. While the Transdniestrian authorities were trying to attract the attention of official Moscow, Deputy Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian federation Yury Zubakov was in closed negotiations with Moldovan President Vladimir Voronin in Moldova. Zubakov was trying to convince the Moldovans to accept the Russian settlement plan for the Transdniestrian conflict. Transdniestrian Dreams Practically all the leadership of the breakaway republic came to Moscow for Transdniestria Days, led by unreplaceable President Igor Smirnov. For the Tiraspol authorities, it was the event of the year and they prepared for it accordingly, obviously expecting a grand reception. “We invited Mayor Yury Luzhkov, Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, [speaker of the State Duma] Boris Gryzlov and even [Prime Minister] Mikhail Fradkov to the opening of our days,” one organizer told Kommersant. In Moscow, they were not happy to see the massive landing party of Transdniestrians (a total of about 700). Not only that, Moscow officials clearly made every effort for the event to occur as quietly as possible. The exhibit of the accomplishments of Transdniestrian industry was relegated to a far corner of Sokolniki Park, where the opening of Transdniestrian Days was held. President Smirnov himself kicked off the festivities and tried his best to impart a geopolitical impact. “This is all necessary so that we remembered that the Transdniestrian people cannot be killed,” he said. “It has always been the case they we were in the edge of cultures, and now NATO's task is clear – to squeeze out our identity and show us how to live. But, in last autumn's referendum [on independence and entry into the Russian Federation], our people said we want to develop along with Russia.” Mainly the Transdniestrian leader's subordinates listened to him. There were only to people representing Russia there: the City of Moscow's deputy head of international relations Boris Silaev and deputy speaker of the State Duma Sergey Baburin, a loyal supporter of Transdniestrian causes. None of the other announced guests appeared. Nor did the Kommersant correspondent see a single journalist from Russian television channels there. Later, it was learned that Mayor Luzhkov had promised to receive the Transdniestrians personally and cancelled the meeting at the last moment. The noticeably cool reception the Transdniestrian leaders received confirms that the attitude of the Russian authorities to the unrecognized republic is in a state of crisis. Moscow, which has been shown Tiraspol political, moral and material support, stopped doing so after Transdniestrian authorities began to insist vehemently on final separation from Moldova. Authorities in Tiraspol, inspired by last year's referendum stopped even mentioning renewed negotiations with Chisinau. All they talk about is joining Russia. “At present, the referendum of September 17, 2006, is the main orientation of our strategy. In historical, geopolitical, socio-cultural and religious terms, Transdniestria is a Russian land,” stated omnipotent Transdniestrian Minister of State Security Vladimir Antyufeev. Russia's Plans Moscow is obviously not delighted with Transdniestria's declarations of allegiance. “Our Transdniestrian Days are like a bone in the throat to them now,” noted one official of the Transdniestrian Foreign Ministry to Kommersant. Russia, it seems, has it own plans for settling the Transdniestrian conflict, and they are at variance with Tiraspol's wishes. While Smirnov and his subordinates were trying to attract attention to themselves in Moscow, Deputy Secretary of the Security Council Yury Zubakov, one of the chief negotiators on Transdniestria, was in Moldova. In Moscow, they are trying to keep Zubakov's mission a secret. A Security Council official, when asked about Zubakov's goals in Chisinau, told Kommersant that “We recommend that you do not write about that topic. Nor about Transdniestrian Days in Moscow.” Zubakov is being received at the highest levels in Chisinau. He discussed Transdniestrian problems with President Voronin yesterday. The details of the conversation, of course, were not revealed. However, a Kommersant source in the Moldovan Foreign Ministry said that Zubakov tried to force a settlement of the Transdniestrian problem and get Voronin to agree to meet with his long-time nemesis Smirnov with Russian President Vladimir Putin serving as facilitator. They supposedly would sign a declaration of intention to form basic principles for settling the frozen conflict. The central concept of those principles would be a common state with a special status for Transdniestria as part of Moldova. Moscow would have tight control over the formation of that status. That spells nothing good for Tiraspol, and they react nervously there to Zubakov's voyages. “He is literally breaking our knees,” one Transdniestrian diplomat commented to Kommersant. Transdniestrian Foreign Minister Valery Litskai is trying to remain calm. When asked yesterday by Kommersant whether Moscow has some secret plan for reunification with Moldova, he lowered his eyes before saying, “On Friday, OSCE acting representative Miguel Angel Moratinos will head a meeting in the 3+2 format [Russia, Ukraine, OSCE, European Union and United States] in Madrid. Let Zubakov declare his grandiose settlement plans there.” Moldova's Hopes Politicians in Chisinau are becoming ever more optimistic about Transdniestria. Voronin defected from the camp of Russia's enemies to that of its friends long ago. Recently, the Moldovan leader is saying more often that the Transdniestrian issue can be settled before the end of his term in 2009. “I think that, in two years, or even sooner, the Transdniestrian problem should be solved,” Voronin said this week. “We are working on it daily and we should solve it. All of the prerequisites for its solution are present.” Voronin made it clear that he is in constant contact with Putin and his proposals for a settlement have been positively received in the Kremlin. Voronin is playing his own game, of course, and is emphasizing his desire to see the Moldova he unites as a “demilitarized state.” “We are for no military in any color and any uniform on our territory,” he has state repeatedly. Such demilitarization is unlikely to suit Moscow. They are not ready to withdraw their peacekeepers, who guarantee Russia a military presence in the region, even if a small one. Russian Foreign Minster Sergey Lavrov recently said in relation to Russia's possible withdrawal from the Conventional Forces Treaty that the West should not tie ratification of the treaty with the withdrawal of Russian forces form Moldova. Kommersant sources in the Russian leadership say that the most Moscow will do is to make individual international agreements on the indefinite neutrality of Moldova and the principles of its constitutional makeup. Those documents could be signed together by Russia, Ukraine, the U.S., EU and NATO. Those plans do not satisfy politicians in Chisinau. “It's all a crude attempt to legalize Russia's presence here and to think up a way to take control of all of Moldova and Transdniestria!” deputy speaker of the Moldovan parliament Iurie Rosca complained to Kommersant. “They are plotting a reconstruction of our constitution so that the controlling package in the management of our country will go to Moscow. The chances of that are zero. Seventy-six percent of the residents are for entry into the EU. We are not against Russia. We are simply Europeans.”
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