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TRANSNISTRIA: WAYS OF INTEGRATION INTO INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY
VLADIMIR YASTREBCHAK,
Acting Foreign Minister of the Transnistrian Moldovan Republic, Tiraspol
The
goal of Transnistrian leader Igor Smirnov’s visit to Moscow was to
continue the work with the Russian authorities that we had been
carrying out for the whole period of the development of Transnistria
and our relations with Russia.
We had consultations in Russia’s Foreign Ministry
and other Russian federal agencies dealing with the Transnistrian
conflict settlement and the Russia-Transnistria cooperation.
Today we certainly give priority to the issue of
unstable financial and economic situation in the world. It will
inevitably affect Transnistria one way or another. For the time being
the world financial crisis hasn't fully told on Transnistria’s economy
but we expect that in November the crisis will influence the people’s
well-being and Transnistria’s economic development. The situation is
under control but we are not isolated from the world. We understand
that Russia, which is much more hurt by the financial crisis, has its
own problems but we hope that Moscow will understand our arguments in
particular since the Russian companies are operating in Transnistria.
The Russian Federation has already rendered
assistance to Transnistria. In 2006 when Moldova and Ukraine tried to
impose a new customs regime, Transnistria got financial assistance from
Russia. This year Russia renders financial assistance to Tiraspol in
some socially important points (additional payments to pensioners who
have Russian citizenship, provision of educational institutions with
food etc). We are interested in this assistance and in support to our
budget, particularly in the situation of the economic crisis. We are
also interested in ensuring the social programs and in backing the
stability of the Transnistrian currency rate. We have sent appropriate
requests to the Russian authorities and hope that they will be
examined. For our part we are ready to ensure the accountability and
transparency of spending those funds, as we did before.
At present, the transfer of Transnistrian share in
"Moldovagaz" to the Russian monopoly "Gazprom" is being discussed. Not
only does Transnistria raise the issue of this share transfer but it
also wants to conclude treaties directly with "Gazprom", which would
allow the Russian company to get extra guarantees of receiving the
money for the gas consumed by Transnistria. The two sides are carrying
out the work and they are charged with concluding a direct treaty.
We have also discussed the bilateral cooperation in
the social sphere in accordance with the agreements achieved in 2006.
It is the protocol signed by Transnistria’s President Igor Smirnov and
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Zhukov. Later on, a whole
number of inter-agency agreements were signed, but the potential of
bilateral cooperation is not used fully. Nevertheless, we hope that
this process will develop.
Igor Smirnov and the Russian authorities have also
discussed the Transnistrian conflict settlement. We told our Russian
colleagues that the Transnistrian side was honoring its obligations on
organizing and holding the meeting with the Moldovan authorities. We
hope that the meeting will take place in the foreseeable future. It
would be extremely important for Transnistria to get response to the
proposals that were submitted in April, 2008. This is a draft of the
Treaty on Friendship and Cooperation between Moldova and Transnistria.
We would like to get a definite and well-reasoned answer at the level
this document was submitted. The second subject, which is of
fundamental importance to us (especially in the light of the recent
Caucasian events), is the parties’ clear obligations not to use force
against each other, not to put economic, political, information and
other kinds of pressure on each other and not to take any unilateral
measures that could increase tension in the region. It is clear that
the military aspect of our conflict is lower than that of the Caucasian
war. But given the current situation, the possibility of unfreezing the
conflict through the socioeconomic leverage is more dangerous. Our
Moldovan partners have many resources to influence the situation.
As regards the influence of the Caucasian events on
the EU's attitude towards Transnistria, it is difficult to talk about
the drastic change in the EU position. However, the EU came to
apprehend slightly more that the decision may be taken by the
Transnistrian, Moldovan and Russian parties when they are in direct
contact with each other. In August and September the international
community said several times that the decision could be found only in
the sole legitimate “5+2” format and that the agreements in the “2+1”
format would not be achieved.
As regards the possibility of returning to “Kozak
memorandum”, the time factor is of great importance here. This November
will see the fifth anniversary of appearing this document and of the
events favoring its being submitted, studied, discussed and nearly
signed. Transnistria has always emphasized that “Kozak memorandum” was
our maximum compromise and that the underlying pattern of this document
took into account all the points that could form a viable and stable
federal state consisting of Moldova and Transnistria. Nevertheless,
those five years showed that if sides are not able to come to terms,
the gap between them becomes wider. Therefore, there was no
rapprochement between the sides. The Moldovan stance on this issue was
recently voiced by President Vladimir Voronin who said that signing
this document could get Moldova into tragedy. This was quite a serious
statement that, in my opinion, answers the question about the prospects
of returning to this document.
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